Texas’s 15th District. Monica De La Cruz, a Republican, has taken $126,101 in donations linked to AIPAC, the pro-Israel lobbying group. Bobby Pulido, a Democrat, shows no AIPAC-linked donations in available records.
Key issues in Texas
Major issues facing Texas, based on 2025–2026 reporting. Compare them with what each candidate says they focus on below.
Affordability and rising prices — Rising prices top voter concerns, with groceries, healthcare and gasoline the most-cited household budget pressures.
Electricity costs and grid — Voters want lower power bills amid ongoing questions about grid reliability and winterization after extreme weather.
Water infrastructure — Rapid growth and recurring drought push leaders to fund new water supply and infrastructure projects.
School voucher rollout — The new $1 billion Education Freedom Accounts program drew over 270,000 applications against limited capacity.
Education outcomes — Voters broadly agree students should read and do math at grade level, with school performance under scrutiny.
Immigration and border — Border security ranks among voters' top issues, shaping debate over state enforcement spending and policy.
Candidates & funding
Monica De La Cruz RepublicanNominee
AIPAC-linked $126,101FundVoter-reported, career 2024–2026 — methodology replication pending
AIPAC PAC and AIPAC-routed contributions, career 2024-2026. Source: FEC filings via FundVoter.
No 2026 conduit activity detectedFEC filings show no earmarked contributions via conduits this cycle
2026 fundraising (FEC)$6,551,097 raised · $6,362,072 spent · $802,995 cash on hand through Sep 30, 2026
Focus: Border security, American Dream, seniors' benefits, South Texas agriculture, water needs
FEC campaign finance data through Sep 30, 2026. Campaign dollars, by source.
Monica De La Cruz R
Bobby Pulido D
Raised
$6.6M
$6.2M
Individuals
$4M61%
$4.4M71%
PACs & parties
$1.1M16%
$392K6%
Self-funded
$840%
$150K2%
Other
$1.5M22%
$1.3M20%
AIPAC-linked*
$126K
—
Outside spending†
—
—
* AIPAC-linked money is already counted in the rows above — it flags the pro-Israel share, not extra money.
† Independent spending on ads for or against a candidate. It never goes to their campaign.
“Individuals” covers both small-dollar (under $200) and large donors.
Who are the biggest donors?
Every donor ranked by how much they gave, from the candidate’s own FEC filings — individuals, PACs, and party committees all in one list. Expand a candidate to see theirs, then tap any name to learn more about the donor.
Why are so many gifts exactly $10,000? That’s the legal maximum a PAC can give one candidate for the whole cycle — $5,000 for the primary plus $5,000 for the general — so many PACs give the max. Individuals can give up to $3,500 per election.
Monica De La Cruz3891 donors
FINANCIAL POSITION
Campaign raised$6.6M
Campaign spent$6.4M
Cash on hand$803K
FEC 2026 through 09/30/2026
CANDIDATE-CONTROLLED MONEY
Individuals61%
PACs / committees16%
Self-funding0%
Share of campaign receipts. FEC 2026.
ROUTED CONTRIBUTIONS
No 2026 conduit activity detected
FEC filings show no earmarked contributions via conduits this cycle. Career AIPAC-linked total (above) may reflect prior cycles. How conduits work →
Individual$14K
Individual$11K
Individual$10K
Individual$10K
PAC$10K
Trade association PAC$10K
PAC$10K
Trade association PAC$10K
Trade association PAC$10K
Trade association PAC$10K
Membership PAC$10K
Trade association PAC$10K
Leadership PAC$10K
Corporate PAC$10K
Corporate PAC$10K
PAC$10K
PAC$10K
Trade association PAC$10K
PAC$10K
Leadership PAC$10K
AIPAC's PAC$10K
Individual$9K
Labor PAC$8K
Individual$8K
Individual$8K
Trade association PAC$8K
Trade association PAC$8K
Membership PAC$8K
Trade association PAC$8K
Individual$7K
Individual$7K
Individual$7K
Individual$7K
Individual$7K
Individual$7K
Individual$7K
Individual$7K
Individual$7K
Individual$7K
Individual$7K
Individual$7K
Individual$7K
Individual$7K
Individual$7K
Individual$7K
Individual$7K
Individual$7K
Individual$7K
Individual$7K
Individual$7K
Showing the 50 biggest of 3891 donors. The other 3841 gave $2.3M combined.
Plus $1.3M from small donors giving under $200 each — those aren’t itemized by name.
Individuals gave through these conduits. Conduit is routing layer, not legal donor. General platforms (ActBlue, WinRed) are payment processors, not networks. How conduits work →
Self-funded$150K
Individual$14K
Leadership PAC$13K
Individual$10K
Individual$10K
Individual$10K
Leadership PAC$10K
Leadership PAC$10K
PAC$10K
PAC$10K
Individual$9K
Individual$8K
PAC$8K
Individual$7K
Individual$7K
Individual$7K
Individual$7K
Individual$7K
Individual$7K
Individual$7K
Individual$7K
Individual$7K
Individual$7K
Individual$7K
Individual$7K
Individual$7K
Individual$7K
Individual$7K
Individual$7K
Individual$7K
Individual$7K
Individual$7K
Individual$7K
Individual$7K
Individual$7K
Individual$7K
Individual$7K
Individual$7K
Individual$7K
Individual$7K
Individual$7K
Individual$7K
Individual$7K
Individual$7K
Individual$7K
Individual$7K
Individual$7K
Individual$7K
Individual$7K
Individual$7K
Showing the 50 biggest of 1352 donors. The other 1302 gave $1.8M combined.
Plus $545K from small donors giving under $200 each — those aren’t itemized by name.
These figures come from the candidate’s own itemized FEC reports (2026 cycle, through the coverage date above), with amendments applied and refunds netted. Joint fundraising transfers are left out of the ranking: they’re pass-throughs, and the individual donations behind them are listed above. Bank interest, vendor refunds, and other non-donation receipts are excluded. Donor names are as reported — the same person can appear twice if their name was recorded differently. Independent spending on ads is never included here — see the Outside spending column.
Related news
October 16, 2026
GOP triage: CLF pulls $3M from Cuellar race, shifts to TX-15 and TX-34
The Congressional Leadership Fund is giving up $3 million in ad time it had reserved in TX-28 (Henry Cuellar vs Tano Tijerina) and shifting it to defend Monica De La Cruz (TX-15) and challenge Vicente Gonzalez (TX-34), per the Daily Letter (Oct 16). A significant late allocation shift in South Texas.